TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE
GIVEN BY THE NATO SECRETARY GENERAL, MR JAVIER SOLANA,
AND THE BRITISH PRIME MINISTER, MR TONY BLAIR,
IN BRUSSELS ON TUESDAY, 20 APRIL 1999

MR SOLANA: Let me begin by welcoming Prime Minister Blair today here to the
NATO Headquarters. The United Kingdom has made a great contribution to our
effort to resolve the crisis in Kosovo. Let me remind you that along with
France the UK was the co-chair of the Rambouillet talks, that now more
importantly with the military operation under way, British forces have been
from the outset a core element of our presence in the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia, and now in Albania, and British aircraft have been
at the forefront of the air campaign. Prime Minister, thank you very much.


Today’s meeting gave us a further opportunity to consider the Kosovo
crisis, and I can speak for both when I stress once again ours and the
Alliance determination to succeed. We will stand firm to the very end.


NATO as you know is an organisation founded on key principles and key
values, but that is not only proclaimed values, NATO actually defends these
values. This is why we had a responsibility to act in Kosovo and that is
why we have done so. To my mind there is no better way for NATO to
commemorate its 50th anniversary than to do what we should, that is to
uphold the values on which the Alliance is based.


And let me stress once again, our action is directed to Milosevic, not at
the Serbian people. As we destroy and damage Milosevic’s extensive
military machine, we are also taking care of Milosevic’s victims, the
refugees. And you have seen NATO troops, and in particular the British
troops, in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia build the first camps
for refugees within 48 hours and our troops in Albania are there to help
with the humanitarian relief effort.


But let us not forget the simple and central fact. President Milosevic
alone has the power to end this. We know, and he knows, he has to do so.
Holding on will only prolong the conflict.


Let me just finish by saying that this is all part of a collective
international effort to bring stability, to bring justice, to the Balkans.
NATO has spent the past 50 years defending the values of democracy, human
rights, liberty and the rule of law. It will continue to do so.


PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Good Afternoon. First of all can I say how delighted
I am to be here with you today and what a good discussion I have had, both
with General Clarke and with Javier Solana. And I wanted to begin by
paying tribute to the work of the people here at NATO, SHAPE and of course
to our forces out in the field. I spoke to them through the video
conference facility earlier today and I told them that not just in military
terms, but in humanitarian terms, all the forces of NATO engaged in this
exercise have every reason and every cause to be proud of themselves for
the work that they are doing.


I also had a briefing with General Clarke on the overnight activity on Day
27 of Operation Allied Force, and let me tell you the results of that.
Yesterday and last night, NATO forces continued their attacks on the FRY
military machine. A wide range of targets were hit. Although a detailed
BDA is awaited, I can give you an outline of our operations.


Our main effort remains concentrated upon ground forces within Kosovo. At
least 13 different military targets were attacked by a range of aircraft.
Several groups of vehicles, including at least 5 tanks and 4 other armoured
vehicles, and up to 20 other military vehicles, were hit. In addition, we
attacked a troops assembly area, a surface to surface missile system as
well as ammunition depots army headquarters and airfields in other parts of
the Serb military machine. So that is an outline assessment so far of the
damage that we did last night.


But I think it is also important at this stage of our operation to
emphasise to you the damage NATO has already done to the Serb military
machine. We have destroyed 50%, that is half of Serbia’s best fighter, the
MiG29 Fulcrum, they no longer confront us with fighter aircraft, as they
did initially, we have destroyed about 25% of the MiG21 and about 30% of
the Supergallop which the Serbs have used to attack civilians in Kosovo, so
this is specifically destruction aimed at part of their killing machine in
Kosovo. We severely damaged airfields and aircraft support facilities of
the Serbian military machine, we have inflicted severe damage on their
command and control facilities, degraded the key routes and other assets
which they use to move and remove supplies and forces within Kosovo and
into Kosovo from other parts of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and we
have destroyed over 25% of Serbia’s stored fuel and severely degraded the
whole of Serbia’s fuel refining capability.


So this is already of course having a visible impact on their ground
operations. In addition, whenever and wherever we can, we attack the
ground forces in Kosovo that have been carrying out the policy of ethnic
cleansing.


So I want to say this to you very, very clearly today. First of all, I am
proud of the way that our forces, not just the forces from my own country ­
Britain ­ but all of the forces in NATO have played their part in this
cause. It is a just cause and it is a cause that we will succeed in
winning. We took this action after months of political and diplomatic
activity in which we tried to persuade Milosevic that he should do the
decent civilised thing, stop this repression in Kosovo, get his forces out
of there and allow these people to live in peace. It was his decision to
refuse that agreement; it was our decision inevitably then to take the
military action upon which we are now engaged. And all of our people, not
just in Europe or the United States, but right round the world have seen
the appalling consequences of ethnic cleansing, people driven from their
homes at the point of a gun, women raped, young men taken out and murdered,
a whole people displaced and dispossessed simply because of their ethnic
identity.


My generation never thought to see those scenes in Europe again and our
task is very simple and our will in seeing it through must be absolute and
total, that is to defeat this policy of ethnic cleansing, to defeat that
Serb machine that is engaged in this policy of ethnic cleansing, to defeat
the ambitions of Milosevic who has promoted that policy of ethnic
cleansing, and we will carry on with that determination until we have
succeeded.


JAKE LYNCH, SKY NEWS: Prime Minister, as I am sure you know, the European
country with the highest number of refugees is even now not Albania or
Macedonia, but Serbia itself. If it is right that Kosovan refugees be
allowed back to their homes in Kosovo, is it not also right for Serbian
refugees to be allowed back to their homes in, say, Krajina? And if you
were prepared to take that on board, perhaps alongside NATO’s 5 objectives,
might that be a basis for an outcome, seen by Yugoslavia to be fair and
even-handed, the kind of outcome you yourself have championed so
brilliantly in Northern Ireland for example?


PRIME MINISTER: Of course we want an end to all ethnic conflict in the
Balkans, but the immediate task that we have ourselves are the objectives
that NATO has outlined. And there is no doubt at all as to what our
immediate problem is, and that is to help those Kosovo ethnic Albanian
refugees back to their homes. It is in many ways a very modest demand that
we make, it is simply that people are allowed to return to their homes in
peace. And as I was saying myself a few days ago, it is important then that
we look at the whole wider strategy of the region to see how we can put an
end to these ethnic conflicts once and for all.


RADIO FREE EUROPE: There is growing tension on the border between Kosovo
and Albania and there are cases where Serbian troops are shelling at
Albanian territory. What kind of measures can be taken and what are the
options to protect Albania right now from a possible invasion?


PRIME MINISTER: We have made very clear indeed, and let me repeat to you,
our belief that any attempt to cause difficulty or damage to Albania, we
will do everything we possibly can to prevent and make sure we give proper
protection. And I would like to pay tribute to Albania for the unstinting
work that it has done in circumstances of very great difficulty to make
sure that the refugees are properly looked after. And one of the purposes
of the action that we are taking is to make sure that this entire military
machine of the Serbs and Milosevic is degraded so he is not able to
threaten his neighbours.


QUESTION: NATO has always said it would only go into Kosovo in a permissive
environment. Does that permissive environment have to be as a result of a
cease-fire and a diplomatic agreement, or could paralysis, immobilisation,
weakening of the Serb forces create such an environment, and if so is there
any possibility at all of reaching a deal with Milosevic, or does he have
to go?


PRIME MINISTER: First of all, there is no question of making some deal or
compromise with Milosevic. We have set out our demands and objectives and
they will be met in full, because they are the minimum demands that we can
in all humanity make, that he gets his forces out of Kosovo, that we have
an international military force that goes in and those people are allowed
to return to their homes. We have always made clear the difficulties of
putting in ground forces as a land force invasion against undegraded
organised Serb resistance. We have also equally made it clear that the
international military force is there to allow people back to their homes.
So it is very important people realise our position on that remains as it
is, but of course Milosevic doesn’t have some veto on what we do, we have
always said that and we make it clear again. The important thing is to
make sure that these people are allowed back to the homes that they have
been driven out of, as I say at the point of a gun, and our determination
to see that through is, as I say, absolute. And of course we have been
building up forces in the area precisely so that we can achieve that aim.


QUESTION: (Not interpreted)


PRIME MINISTER: I think, if you will forgive me, the nuances of any answer
as such, that I am probably better to rely on your translator rather than
my translator.


I agree entirely with what the Secretary General said and the position that
he outlined is the position that we have taken throughout, both in relation
to ground forces and in relation to NATO strategy in general. If we take a
step back for a moment and look at this situation seriously, what is
essential is that Milosevic, I think this is perhaps as important as
anything else out of the summit that comes to pass in Washington later this
week. Milosevic must understand this, that we have embarked upon this
action not simply because there is a strategic interest of NATO engaged,
there is such an interest and I can make to you all the arguments about how
important it is strategically for NATO that we are engaged, but we have
embarked on it for a simple humanitarian reason and cause and we are not
going to allow Milosevic to get away with this policy of ethnic cleansing,
we will defeat that policy. Now I can’t, and I try and put this to you in
the most careful and sensitive way since you are all journalists, I can’t
and I think it is unwise for us to discuss always in every detail every
last aspect of military strategy and military planning, but I can assure
you our determination to see this through is absolute and we will see it
through. So I agree entirely with what the Secretary General said on the
BBC and that remains the NATO position.


MARK LAITY, BBC: You have talked about the Alliance determination and unity
being absolute. Is that unity absolute because you have foreclosed any
chance of a ground invasion? Is the real reason that you are relying on
air power the fact that you cannot get 19 nations to agree on ground power
rather than military necessity?


PRIME MINISTER: No, and can I just point out to you, Mark, first of all
that in any event we would be relying on air power at this point in time
and it is immensely important that air power is allowed to do its work of
diminishing, degrading the military capability, damaging the military
capability of Milosevic. Now as for the unity of NATO, there were many
people, perhaps including Milosevic himself, who thought at the outset of
this campaign that it would only be a matter of days before he could
exploit divisions in NATO, pull us apart, remove the cohesion that NATO
has. That has not happened and it has not happened partly because of the
political will of the government, but it has not happened also because our
ordinary citizens, the members of the public, have seen on their television
screens night after night the appalling things that have been done to these
people. And I know in even the smallest ways, in little communities all
over Britain for example, in churches and in local community centres people
have given money for the refugees in Kosovo, they have been moved by the
humanitarian plight, they are not going to allow this man to prevail. And
of course these refugees need immediate humanitarian help, and my goodness
one of the extraordinary things that NATO and our armed forces have done is
mount a unique humanitarian operation literally within a matter of days,
that those people who have given that money and who have seen those
refugees, they know this policy cannot prevail and that will keep NATO
united through all the coming circumstances.


QUESTION: Chancellor Schroeder regretted the other day that while allied
pilots are bombing and risking their lives in bombing the petrol supplies
and refineries inside by air, some countries, even some Allied countries,
are supplying by ground and by harbour Yugoslavia. What are you planning
to do to correct this situation? And Secretary General, do you have any
news from Russia and the special mediator, Mr Chernomyrdin?


PRIME MINISTER: Shall I answer your first point? I think it is extremely
important that all of us do everything in our power to make sure that the
economic measures that we are taking against Serbia are effective and our
attacks of course have done immense damage to the lines of communication,
the lines of supply, the oil refineries and the oil supplies of the
Milosevic regime. But it is important also that we do individually and
collectively everything we can to make sure that those aspects of his
economic operation that can assist his military operation are blocked as
far as we possibly can. So I agree entirely with what Chancellor Schroeder
was saying, we must take every action to do so.


MR SOLANA: Take advantage of the Prime Minister, you have me here every day.


NBC NEWS: If you are determined to make sure that all aspects are blocked
to get anything like oil to Yugoslavia, are you now willing to have some
sort of searching done of ships? And also the question of the internally
displaced people within Yugoslavia, we have had thousands now, air sorties,
and yet somehow NATO and the non-governmental organisations are saying
there are at least 750,000 people still being pushed around within Kosovo.
What is it that we can do to help these people or are we essentially
powerless?


PRIME MINISTER: In respect of the first question, I don’t think I have
really anything to add other than I think it is immensely important that we
do all within our power to make sure that our cutting off of the essential
supplies to the Milosevic regime is made as watertight as possible. In
respect of the second point, we are deeply concerned about the plight of
the displaced persons within Kosovo. In a sense in the first few days of
this, our great worry was that the mass exodus of refugees pouring across
the border into Macedonia and Albania and how we dealt with them. Well we
are able to deal with them, their conditions are very difficult but we are
dealing with them. We are deeply worried about the people inside Kosovo.
The only chance they have got however is to make our campaign successful.
There is literally nothing more that they need than making sure our
campaign is successful. Now again we review every option, as I said in the
House of Commons a few days ago, as to how we get help to those people and
all the rest of it but the central thing for those people is to make sure
our military campaign is successfully prosecuted.


And of course we are able, particularly when the weather clears, to inhibit
and do real damage to Milosevic on the ground. These sorties that were
made last night and the damage that was done to tanks and artillery and
headquarters inside Kosovo are all inhibitions on his ability to operate
effectively this policy of ethnic cleansing. But you are right, we have to
focus on this very clearly and we have to make it a reason for redoubling
our military efforts to see this thing through successfully because that in
the end is the thing that those people need most.


SLOVENIAN RADIO AND TELEVISION: On one side NATO is determined to carry on
its actions and on the other side President Milosevic is not giving any
signs of stepping down. How do you see the solution of that?


PRIME MINISTER: I see the solution as very simple, we carry on until he
does step down. He has got to yield to the NATO demands that are being met
because those demands are right and are reasonable and are the minimum
demands that humanity and civilisation can make of him. And he has to
know, and get the message, that our will on this is undivided and total,
and it is.


QUESTION: Last week you had a meeting with the Hungarian Prime Minister,
Victor Orman (phon), and according to some reports you were also discussing
the possibility of the deployment of ground troops via Hungary if NATO
would take such a decision. What do you expect in this regard from Hungary?


PRIME MINISTER: We are very grateful for the help that Hungary has given,
we are very grateful for their support in circumstances where of course
they are aware, from the ethnic Hungarians living in Vojvadina (phon) of
exactly the difficulties of living under the rule of Milosevic. And I am
not going into any discussions we had, I don’t disclose the disucssions
that I have with Prime Ministers, but I think the fact that Hungary and
surrounding states have been supportive in this makes a big difference and
it is one demonstration of Allied unity that we need to constantly, we need
to reflect and we need to engage with. And I am very grateful not just for
the words that the Hungarian Prime Minister said last week, but for the way
that the Hungarian people have responded, and I know that it is often very
easy for us in countries like Britain who are some distance away from this
conflict to wish you our words and our declarations, although I hope the
fact that our Armed Forces are fighting is some indication that our words
are backed up by deeds. But I know for those living literally next door to
Milosevic of the problems that are caused and we thank you for your
support, that support is greatly valued and it is an integral part of a
successful NATO campaign.


NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO: You said earlier on that your generation and various
other leaders have echoed your words ­ never thought to see these scenes
again ­ and you have also spoken of a just war. This almost sounds like
crusading language or the war to end all wars?




PRIME MINISTER: I am simply trying to be frank with you about how I feel
about this because I can give you, and should give you really, the correct
strategic analysis of why this is important to resolve from the point of
view of NATO and all the countries in NATO. We know the history of the
Balkans, we know that instability and civil war in one part of the Balkans
very often spills over into other parts, it can destabilise the entire
region. So there are all those strategic reasons and they are important
and I don’t wish to diminish them in any way at all. But I think there is
a proper sense of moral outrage at what Milosevic has done that we should
not shy away from but should be proud of feeling. And to see people herded
on to trains and taken away from their homes, and to hear the stories that
those refugees have come back from Kosovo with, and heaven only knows what
we shall find when we go into Kosovo, to hear those is to either awaken our
conscience and make us act, or is to say we have no conscience and no will
to act in the face of something that is appalling and wrong, just wrong.
And I don’t believe that there will be peace in that part of the world
until we have made it quite clear that those who engage in these policies
will be taken on and will be defeated.


So you can summarise that any way you want, but that is how I feel about
this and I think it is how most people feel having tried our utmost to
avoid this conflict ever having to happen. You know sometimes people say
to me well you people, you have rushed into this, you have wanted to be in
this, it is almost as if we celebrated the fact we are in this conflict.
We tried months, and months, and months of patient negotiation with this
man, we put together a whole series of peace talks which could have offered
a way forward, which could have offered actually a perfectly satisfactory
way forward that would have done honour to both sides. He entered into a
whole series of agreements last October about troop levels, about how he
would treat the local population. He broke every single one of those
agreements, he defied every single effort to build peace, he tore up every
agreement he made, he broke every single word or undertaking he ever gave.
Now the choice that confronted us as leaders, and indeed the choice that
confronts our people that we lead, is that the conclusion of that, when
those peace negotiations broke down, when he walked away, when he started
the policy of ethnic cleansing, because make no mistake about it, that
policy was begun before a single NATO bomb ever dropped, we either decided
that we would sit there and contemplate that and let it happen, or we
decide to act. Now I have no doubt that we had to act and I feel an
imperative to act in this situation, I think we are right to act and I
think that what we must now demonstrate, now and over the next coming
period of time, is constantly to re-state the basic reasons why we are
where we are, constantly to emphasise that our demands and objectives are
reasonable and must be met in full, and then make sure that he realises
that we have the will to see this through. And if that happens we shall be
successful, and we need to be successful for the sake of those people, for
the sake of the stability of the region.